Saturday, April 7, 2012

James Altucher's Top Ten Movie List

  1. Schindler’s List
  2. Lawrence of Arabia
  3. The Godfather
  4. Superbad
  5. After Hours
  6. A Night On Earth
  7. Blade Runner
  8. The Conversation
  9. Slumdog Millionaire
  10. The Blues Brothers
  11. Groundhog Day (I threw this in as #11).
Oh, and for a #12. American Pop.

My take: After Hours and Groundhog Day never got the acclaim they deserved. Both movies are kind of a kooky dark humor. Superbad was not supergood in my opinion but they did feature the Motorhead song "Ace of Spades" so it was not all bad! Blade Runner was ahead of its time and a picture of our possible future if we do not get Big Government in collusion with Big Corporations under control!

James is slowly becoming a libertarian if not already one. He is a good writer with an interesting point of view. He has written several books both through conventional publishing outlets as well as self publishing his last two titles. Check him out at The Altucher Confidential  www.jamesaltucher.com

Dr. Paul Please Run As A Libertarian!

An Open Letter to Ron Paul

Recently by Justin Raimondo: George Packer and the Unfathomable
 

Dear Ron,
A lot of my readers are big fans of yours: on those rare but pungent occasions when I have criticized you, I've gotten lots of "blowback" in the comments section and in emails sent directly to my inbox. Whenever I praised you, I've enjoyed a veritable avalanche of favorable feedback. I can't tell you how many conversations I've had with non-libertarians who praise you to the skies. Many people beyond the narrow confines of the libertarian movement are watching your campaign with great interest, and rooting for you – especially those who are concerned about our foreign policy of perpetual war. A lot of these people are not actually registered Republicans – although some have registered just to be able to vote for you – and that appears to be part of the problem.
You've captured the youth vote in practically every contest, while losing among the older set and among hardcore Republican voters. In short, the demographic you do best in winning over is the least likely to be able to vote in a closed Republican primary. I would estimate that roughly two thirds to three quarters of your constituency is outside the ranks of the GOP. In view of these realities, I have a question:
What is the endgame?
Yes, yes, I know, the campaign is educating people, building a movement, and it's necessary to take the long view. Yet I also know I am not the only one wondering what will happen in the short term.
There has been a lot of speculation, not only among your friends and admirers, but also in the media, about the prospect of a "deal." This is not based on anything you have said or done: every public statement coming directly from you has indicated quite the opposite. Listening to what you actually say in interviews, in response to questions about endorsing Mitt Romney, leads one to conclude it's highly unlikely bordering on downright impossible.
So what now?
Look, we don't endorse candidates here at Antiwar.com, for a number of reasons, but I can't ignore the many emails I've gotten from my readers, who are wondering about the answer to that question.
It's been exciting, even for a non-participant like me, to watch as you mobilize thousands at rallies all across the country, cheering your call to dismantle the Empire and bring the troops home. You were the voice of the majority during the debates, calling for getting out of Afghanistan immediately – not in a year or two or three, not conditional on the generals' diktat, but now, with no conditions or excuses. That's a major reason why you have inspired many people to get involved who would never have considered supporting a Republican candidate for any office, let alone President of the United States.
Yet, as the primaries wind down, and Romney gets closer to his seemingly inevitable victory, we are hearing, time and again, that certain individuals high up in your campaign are trying to make some sort of dubious deal. Business Insider reports:
"Sources close to the campaign told Business Insider that, behind the scenes, there have been ongoing discussions between the two campaigns that appear to include, or at least be the precursor to, an eventual deal. ‘The courtship has been underway for a long time,' a source who declined to be named, talking about internal campaign affairs told Business Insider. ‘They are smart enough to know that he [Paul] can't win the nomination or get a Cabinet position … but Ron Paul has to go somewhere.'"
I don't believe this "source," Ron, not even for a minute: if there has been a "courtship," it's been entirely one-sided, with the Romneyites suffering from a bad case of unrequited love. Just seeing the look on your face when asked by Bob Schieffer about an endorsement is enough to convince me of that – not that I needed all that much convincing.
On the other hand, the last sentence in the quote above is completely accurate: after Tampa, you do have to go somewhere. And the movement you inspired wants to know where you are taking them: is it only as far as Tampa, or will you go all the way and launch a third party campaign?
"You don't have to be a math genius to know that it is going to be very hard for us to get to Tampa with 1,144 delegates," says your campaign manager, Jesse Benton. "Short of Dr. Paul being the nominee, there would be a substantial price for us to throw our support behind someone else."
I don't know what Benton considers "substantial," in this context, but I can't imagine what the Romney camp could possibly offer you in exchange for an endorsement, and neither can the Business Insider: their piece lists a number of scenarios – the promise of a cabinet position for Rand Paul, a speaking slot in Tampa, concessions on the party platform – and then dismisses each and every one.
If I were 76 years old, I know I wouldn't be sprinting around the country making speeches and tirelessly spreading the message of liberty: I'd be sitting on my deck, taking it easy, watching somebody else cut my lawn. But you're in much better shape than I am, and besides that I can see you're clearly enjoying yourself – especially the crowds of young people who cheer you wherever you go.
The fun doesn't have to end in Tampa: if you decide to run an independent campaign for the White House – a strategy some of your supporters are already urging on you – your celebration of liberty and peace can continue right on up until November, and beyond. Because a third party candidacy will leave a legacy, a lasting monument to your campaign and the movement it created: a viable third party alternative to the twin parties of war and Big Government.
Polls show you getting as much as 17 percent of the vote in a three-way race – and those are just the starting numbers. It's a long way until November, and a lot can happen: another economic crash, another war, another federal power grab so egregious it makes the PATRIOT Act seem like a mild precursor.
Republicans and conservatives argue that a third party campaign on your part would ensure President Obama's reelection, a scenario I don't think is all that credible. If Romney loses it will be because most people simply don't like him, don't trust him, and don't want him anywhere near the Oval Office.
Yet even if it's true your third party run would cost Romney the election, then isn't it clear the Republicans deserve to lose? In the face of overwhelming public opposition to their warmongering, the other three GOP presidential contenders have relentlessly advocated escalating our overseas commitments: all three have explicitly threatened to go to war with Iran. Far from listening to your warnings about the dangers inherent in such a position, it's clear they have nothing but contempt for your foreign policy views. Nor have they made any significant concessions on the domestic front: they're all big spenders, Big Government "conservatives," and if they ever got into office they would continue along the same path.


In short, Republicans need to be taught a lesson, one they will never forget. By disdaining the substantial and growing libertarian wing of the GOP, and ignoring the desire for peace on the part of the larger public, they have earned nothing but defeat. You have said you are trying to save the Republican party, but it's too late for that: what's needed now is for someone to save the country from the GOP.
Yes, the Democrats also pose a major threat to liberty and peace, but the Republicans, I would argue, pose a much deadlier menace because their leaders and much of their base are unabashed militarists and dogged opponents of the Constitution. When it comes to foreign policy and civil liberties, the Obama administration is just as bad if not worse, but the difference is rhetorical: the Republicans openly proclaim their intent to continue and escalate our policy of permanent warfare, and take great pride in their willingness to throw the Bill of Rights overboard in the name of an endless "war on terrorism." Obama, on the other hand, is careful to sugar-coat his authoritarianism and belligerent foreign policy in terms of "liberal" bromides and appeals to "pragmatism."
The best thing that could happen would be for the GOP to split, with your supporters hiving off, leaving the GOP remnant to become a primarily southern-based regional party. This is their future, in any event, in spite of your energetic efforts to "save" them. Unfortunately – for them and for us – they don't want to be saved.
In looking at the Ron Paul web sites, of which there are several, and speaking with a number of activists, I've encountered the following argument against taking the third party route: the Paulians, they say, are in this for the very long term. They mean to take over the GOP at the local level, and eventually dominate it at the national level. One blog entry estimated it would take them 20 years or so to accomplish this goal.
Twenty years? By that time, if we aren't dead we'll be wishing we were. If this country doesn't change course soon, in 20 years we'll be bankrupt and well into our senescence as a nation – a declining empire beset on every front, with the last tattered remnants of our Constitution thrown to the four winds. Indeed, we are almost at that point right now.


Dr. Paul, I know I speak for many of my readers when I say you have accomplished what none of us thought was possible: you opened up the political debate in this country, not only in the GOP but more generally. Now you have the chance to take that achievement and build on it: not by telling your supporters they have to wait 20 years or more before they can hope to effect real change, but by forging ahead and taking the next logical step in our long, harrowing, and yet energizing journey to reclaim our country and our old republic.
In this radio interview with WMAL, you come pretty close to saying you will consider going third party "when the votes are counted" – i.e. after the Tampa convention, at the end of August. Unfortunately, the Libertarian party national convention is being held in May. While running on the LP ticket is just one possibility, it seems like the most viable. In spite of there being several declared candidates, the LP nomination would be yours for the asking – but you have to ask for it. LP rules forbid nominating a candidate who hasn't declared his intention to actively seek the nomination.
The other viable alternative is running for the "Americans Elect" nomination. Yes, I know the whole "Americans Elect" operation seems dubious on the face of it, but they qualified for ballot status in 35 states and counting. The "Ron Paul Draft" is already the top-vote getter in the Americans Elect nomination process, which runs through early May, with more than double the number of votes of the nearest competitor.
In fact, Americans Elect does not require candidates to accept their nomination until after they win their Internet primary (held in late June). Throughout May and June, you can expect your supporters to campaign for your nomination as the Americans Elect candidate, regardless of what you do right now.
There is also the independent option, which means getting on the ballot in all fifty states via petition, like Ross Perot did – but that seems prohibitively expensive.
Ron, I know you’re out there speaking to huge crowds – 10,000 at UCLA, even as I write – and how thrilled you must be by this kind of reception. And I know you’re remembering the time when those crowds amounted to a few dozen, at most – and I imagine how gratified you must feel. Finally, the pro-peace pro-liberty camp is making some progress – but it doesn’t have to end in Tampa. Please consider carrying the banner of peace and liberty all the way to November and beyond – because the future of the country, and the peace of the world, depends on it.
Sincerely,
Justin Raimondo



Reprinted from Antiwar.com with permission.


April 7, 2012
Copyright © 2012 Antiwar.com

Friday, April 6, 2012

Do We Really Believe In The Rule Of Law? If So then.......

To protect freedom, US jurists must pardon terror suspects caught by entrapment

Since 9/11, the majority of criminal convictions in high-profile terror cases in the US relied on sting operations. In many, the FBI crossed the line into entrapment, luring penniless men and teenagers into sophisticated plots they never could have dreamed of on their own.
Temp Headline Image
Terror suspect Amine El Khalifi appears before US District Judge T. Rawles Jones Jr. in federal court in Alexandria, Va in this Feb. 17 artist rendering. Op-ed contributors Joshua Woods and Jim Nolan argue the FBI sting operation that captured Mr. Khalifi is akin to entrapment. They say: 'We want the US government to recognize what social scientists call “the power of the situation” to influence terrorist behavior and to stop contributing to creating it.'
(Dana Verkouteren/AP/file)

By Joshua Woods and Jim Nolan  from the Christian Science Monitor
posted April 5, 2012 at 12:59 pm EDT
Morgantown, W.V. Here’s an indecent question: Under what conditions might a husband cheat on his wife?
Imagine if a major television network created a reality show designed to answer this question. Bringing together weeks of planning, heavy surveillance, psychological profiles of the target, and a cast of young, alluring undercover agents, the show would put unwitting husbands to the ultimate test of spousal loyalty.
After being conned for weeks, some of the men would likely capitulate and take that fateful step toward betrayal. With the hook set, the lights would flash on, a banner would drop from the ceiling revealing the deception, and the show’s host, Johnnie Cochran, would climb through a window to offer his legal services in the forthcoming divorce. Perhaps the show would air as a spinoff of MTV’s gotcha program “Punk’d.”
While this idea may seem farfetched, an analogous scheme is being cooked up and served on a regular basis by the FBI in its campaign against terrorism.
According to a recent study, since 9/11, the majority of criminal convictions in high-profile terror cases in the United States relied on sting operations and informants. In some of these cases, legal experts have raised concerns over whether the agents crossed the line into entrapment, using enticements to lure penniless men and sometimes teenagers into highly sophisticated plots they never could have handled (or even dreamed of) on their own.
Entrapment is a legal defense against criminal liability when it can be shown that the person would not have committed the crime but for the inducements of the government agents. The FBI argues that these sting operations do not amount to entrapment because the people they target are predisposed to commit the offenses given the opportunity.
Legal scholars have argued that the FBI gets away with tempting people into committing crimes because the courts focus more on the defendant’s subjective “disposition” than they do on the means of persuasion or inducements provided by agents.
One defendant in a recent case, Hemant Lakhani, agreed to sell missiles to an undercover FBI agent who was posing as a terrorist. When it became clear that Mr. Lakhani had no access to such weapons, another undercover agent sold him a fake version of the arms so that he could, in turn, make the illegal sale. During the transaction, incidentally, Lakhani appeared to test the weapon by placing it on his shoulder pointed in the wrong direction. His entrapment defense failed and he received a 47-year prison sentence.
In another sting operation, the defendant, James Cromitie, was a poor African-American who had allegedly converted to Islam in prison. He agreed to carry out an attack after being offered $250,000, other valuable enticements, and weapons by the FBI's undercover informant. The judge on the case, Manhattan Federal Judge Colleen McMahon called the defendants "thugs for hire, pure and simple." She described Mr. Cromitie as "incapable of committing an act of terrorism on his own," saying a "zealous" government had "created acts of terrorism out of his fantasies...and then made those fantasies come true."
But before a jury, Cromitie’s entrapment defense, like all the others in the decade following 9/11, also failed. The ruling prompted legal experts to suggest that juries may be weighting these cases differently than other entrapment cases, given the dramatic events of 9/11 and the constant media spotlight on terrorism.
As in many of the previous cases, one of the FBI’s latest stings involved an isolated, impoverished young man. On Feb. 17, prompted by undercover officers posing as Al Qaeda members and offering the latest in high-yield explosives, Amine El Khalifi made his way to an attack site in Washington, D.C. before being swarmed by the authorities. If the previous pattern holds, he will now spend the rest of his life in prison.
Our point here is not to forgive Mr. Khalifi but rather to suggest that his behavior is not only a product of his personal disposition but also his social circumstances and the FBI’s sting operation in particular.
We recognize that the task of detecting and interrupting terrorist activities is difficult, dangerous, and at times requires sophisticated undercover operations to prevent atrocities from occurring. But the roots of terrorism – distrust, anger, and hatred – end up growing stronger in the environment the FBI is creating. Duping disgruntled citizens to act out criminally using means-justify-the-ends enticements in fact fosters the distrust and sense of injustice that breeds terrorism.
We want the US government to recognize what social scientists call “the power of the situation” to influence terrorist behavior and to stop contributing to creating it. To be frank, our hopes for this suggestion are not high. Most Americans are carrying too much emotional and historical baggage to summon even one word of situational understanding for a terrorist act.
But what about the would-be philanderers on the reality show? Without forgiving their behavior, wouldn’t most Americans at least acknowledge the extraordinary nature of the situation, and recognize that many of these cheaters would still be faithful husbands had it not been for the crafty, well-organized, sexually spectacular forces behind the deception?
If the answer is yes, a similar moral calculus must be used to evaluate the Khalifi case, the FBI’s role in creating this outcome, and the virtue of continuing these counterterrorism operations.

The success of an entrapment defense should not depend on the nature of the would-be crime, but on the nature of the FBI’s actions. Ruling in favor of a defendant like Khalifi may seem counterintuitive to any jurists wishing to protect Americans. But that’s exactly what these jurists should do if they wish to define and protect the civil liberties and freedoms that keep them safe.
Joshua Woods is author of the recently released book “Freaking Out: A Decade of Living with Terrorism.” Jim Nolan, a former police officer and FBI official, is coauthor of “The Violence of Hate: Confronting Racism, Anti Semitism, and Other Forms of Bigotry.” Both writers teach in the division of sociology and anthropology at West Virginia University.

Thursday, April 5, 2012

How About Repealing Sales Taxes Altogether?

Close online sales-tax loophole

There is a bill in the Kansas Legislature that would allow our state to join the Streamlined Sales and Use Tax Agreement, which provides one uniform system to administer and collect sales tax. This would eliminate the burden of the country’s diverse sales-tax systems on retailers.
The reason our system is currently burdensome is because Internet-only retailers are not required to pay state sales tax while our brick-and-mortar stores are. The online sales-tax loophole has put stores in our community at a competitive disadvantage for far too long. Even when local retailers can match online prices, they still must collect sales tax from you, which in Kansas makes the price 7 or 8 percent higher.
Though the state bill is an important step in giving our community-based stores a fair chance to compete, ultimately we need a federal solution. The Marketplace Fairness Act, currently under consideration by the U.S. Senate, allows states such as Kansas to enforce their existing sales-tax codes by choosing a simplification solution that best fits the state.
I urge Kansas Sens. Jerry Moran and Pat Roberts to co-sponsor the Marketplace Fairness Act. Kansas retailers, the backbone of our economy, have been disadvantaged for too long.
SARAH BAGBY
Owner
Watermark Books
Wichita

Read more here: http://www.kansas.com/2012/04/04/2282926/letters-to-the-editor-on-streamlined.html#storylink=cpy

My Take On This: Instead of complaining about a so-called disadvantage, she should also try selling her wares online. Instead of asking the government to level the playing field for her on a State and Federal level, she should be advocating for the repeal of the state sales tax altogether!

Wednesday, April 4, 2012

Supreme Dictators?

Rethinking America’s Supreme Judicial Dictatorship
Recently by Thomas DiLorenzo: Charles Koch Makes a Good Point



"The War between the States established . . . this principle, that the federal government is, through its courts, the final judge of its own powers."
Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Jeffersonians warned that if the day ever arrived when the central government became the final judge of its own powers, Americans would then live under a tyranny. The government, they believed, would inevitably proclaim that there are in fact no limits to its powers. That day came in 1865 when citizen control over the federal government ended along with the rights of nullification and secession. Not surprisingly, a warmongering, imperialistic megalomaniac like Woodrow Wilson would then celebrate this fact several decades later, as the above quotation attests.
The so-called system of checks and balances is a farce and a fraud; the reality is that all three branches of the federal government work together to conspire against the taxpayers for the benefit of the state and all of its appendages. As Judge Andrew Napalitano wrote in his book, The Constitution in Exile, the Supreme Court failed to rule a single federal law unconstitutional from 1937 to 1995. The Court is essentially a political rubber stamp operation with all of its black-robed ceremony being nothing more than part of the circus that is employed to dupe the public into acquiescing in its dictates.


There is no such thing as an "American union." The original union was a union of the free, independent, and sovereign states. If that union still existed, then Wisconsin, Florida, Massachusetts, Alabama, and all the other states would have at least a say in the current discussion in the Supreme Court over whether or not the American system of healthcare should be Sovietized. They do not. Every television and radio talking head is feverishly awaiting the Pronouncement from Upon High from the black-robed deities of the "Supreme" Court on this issue.
Did Thomas Jefferson, who penned the words, "Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," really think it was a good idea to place everyone’s liberty solely in the hands of five government lawyers with lifetime tenure? Or perhaps even one single government lawyer with lifetime tenure, i.e., the "swing vote" on the Supreme Court, thought by many to be one Anthony Kennedy? Not likely.


Now with perfect timing comes a great book that asks Americans to rethink the federal/judicial monopoly that is a primary source of their servitude to the state. Just published by Pelican Publishers is Rethinking the American Union for the Twenty-First Century, edited and with an introduction by Donald Livingston. It is a collection of essays by such authors as legal and constitutional scholar Kent Masterson Brown; Yours Truly; constitutional scholar Marshall DeRosa; philosopher Donald Livingston; Kirkpatrick Sale, author of the book, Human Scale; economist Yuri Maltsev; and Champlain College Professor Rob Williams.
A major theme of Rethinking the American Union is stated in Professor Livingston’s introduction where he quotes Thomas Jefferson as writing on August 13, 1800 that: "Our country is too large to have all its affairs conducted by a single government." Such a vast country detaches the people from their political representatives, which "will invite the public servants to corruption, plunder & waste," he wrote. In 1800! If "the principle were to prevail," Jefferson continued, "of a common law being in force in the U.S., (which principle possesses the general government at once of all the powers of the State governments, and reduces us to a single consolidated government) it would become the most corrupt government on earth" (emphasis added). This of course is exactly the kind of government that has been existence since 1865, when all states, North and South, became mere appendages of the central government in Washington, D.C. This relationship was cemented into place in 1913 with the advent of the income tax and the creation of the Fed, which gave the federal government the ability to threaten and bribe all individuals and all state governments to acquiesce in its dictates. As Frederic Bastiat sagely observed in his classic, The Law, "democracy" can become indistinguishable from socialism if it is characterized by governmentally-coerced uniformity, whether it is for socialized healthcare or anything else.


What could "the public good" possibly mean in a nation of 305 million people, Livingston asks. Well, it is what it is: "Washington could not be anything other than a scene of frenzied pork-barrel spending, waste, inefficiency, corruption, and special-interest patronage for the politically well connected." As your author has often said, the purpose of government is for those who run it to plunder those who do not.
The essays in the book are a response by a proposal by the late George Kennan who, late in his life, proposed limiting the tyrannical proclivities of American government by dividing it "into a dozen constituent republics."


Nationalism was the ideological cornerstone of all of the evils of government during the twentieth century and beyond, from National Socialism (Nazism) to communism and welfare/warfare statism. Devolution of power and the denationalization of government as an antidote is the subject of the essays.
In his essay, "Secession: A Constitutional Remedy that Protects Fundamental Liberties," Kent Masterson Brown, a Lexington Kentucky trial lawyer and legal scholar, writes of how secession was – and is – a remedy that evolved over the centuries as an essential ingredient of contract law. If the Constitution is an agreement or compact, he writes, then the states that are a party to it have a right of rescission. "[T]he equitable remedy of rescission in the law of contracts was one of the most important concepts applied by the framers and ratifiers of the Constitution . . ." Brown’s essay is a careful, lawyerly history of the right of secession, its role in American constitutional history, and of how it was undermined by statist politicians even prior to 1861.


Yours Truly contributes an essay on how, from the very origins of the American republic, such nationalist politicians and government bureaucrats as Alexander Hamilton, John Marshall, Justice Joseph Story, Daniel Webster, and Abraham Lincoln toiled mightily to rewrite American constitutional history in such a way that would have made the propagandists of the Soviet Union or Nazi Germany blush. Indeed, the latter characters might well have learned their tactics from their fellow nationalists in America generations earlier. Hitler himself did in fact quote Abraham Lincoln’s first inaugural address in Mein Kampf to make his case for centralized governmental power and the abolition of states’ rights in Germany.
Marshall DeRosa exposes the fatal flaw in the current Tenth Amendment Movement, namely, that it relies on the judgment of the Supreme Court as to whether nullification is constitutional. This "servile posture" to the central state has been so ingrained in the American mind by generations of government "education" that most "Tenthers" do not seem to realize the absurdity and futility of what they are doing. If they are serious about the devolution of power away from Washington and back to the people of the states, writes DeRosa, then they must realized that "there is neither divided sovereignty, an oxymoron if there ever was one, nor an imperium in imperio. Each of the several States is sovereign, and as sovereigns they have the prerogative to inform the national government that it has exceeded the grants of its authority. Whether that is by nullification (or interposition) via blocking national policies or a complete withdrawal from the onetime voluntary union of the States via secession is for each sovereign State to decide."


Of course, that would take principled courage on the part of any "Tenthers" who would not be intimidated by the state’s usual tactic of smearing all advocates of decentralization as racists who would like to bring back slavery or segregation. In utilizing this particular smear tactic the state relies on the "rational ignorance" of American history by almost all Americans these days, and believes that it can censor all discussion of its unconstitutional and tyrannical behavior by mere name calling.
The Tenthers must also realize that the Supreme Court is nothing more than "a facilitator of the national ruling class’s hegemony over the constitutional rights of the States." They must "be prepared to bypass the U.S. Supreme Court." DeRosa’s essay includes a scholarly history of how Jefferson’s cherished Tenth Amendment was destroyed by nationalist politicians, lawyers, and bureaucrats over the generations.


Donald Livingston presents the kind of essay that he has long been known for: a deeply scholarly effort that spans philosophy and history. He surveys the idea of republicanism going back 2,000 years in which it was always thought that republican government was only possible in relatively small polities. This is the history that informed Thomas Jefferson when he commented that the American polity of 1800 was too big to be governable by just one government. Over half of the states in the world today are not the massive mega-states like the U.S., but have populations of less than 5 million people, Livingston points out.
Kirkpatrick Sale revives the Aristotelian argument that everything in nature has a natural or efficient size beyond which it becomes dysfunctional. He makes the case that relatively small states of 3-5 million population have superior performance compared to large states in such areas as prosperity, crime, human rights, healthcare, literacy, and a general sense of well-being. He proposes a "Law of Government Size" that contends that "Economic and social misery increases in direct proportion to the size and power of the central government of a nation."


Yuri Maltsev applies Austrian economics to explain the failure of the Soviet Union. Without the institutions of private property and free market prices, there was never any chance that socialism in the Soviet Union (or anywhere) else could work as an economic system. Maltsev explains why in detail, in a fine primer on some of the basic principles of Austrian economics. He also explains why, in realizing that socialism could never work, "Kremlin leaders realized from the first that the only way of managing an economy under socialism was . . . with direct government coercion based on mass murder and forced labor." The only people in the world who still believe in socialism, Maltsev writes, are academics, especially American academics, who always strut about their campuses posing as Keepers of the Moral High Ground despite the fact that the system they associate themselves with is inherently based on mass murder and forced labor or slavery. "We should all be thankful to the Soviets that they proved conclusively that socialism does not work," Maltsev concludes.
The final essay by by Rob Williams is a history of the most active secession movement in America, the Second Vermont Republic. Vermont was an independent country from 1777 until it joined the American union in 1791; hence the name. The state’s propaganda organs, such as the Southern Poverty Law Center, have attempted to smear those associated with the Second Vermont Republic, but their attempts have been ludicrous. Claiming that these mostly liberal Democrats who are disgusted with both the national Republican and Democratic parties, are somehow part of a racist conspiracy to bring back Jim Crow Laws by advocating their independence from Washington, D.C. is only something that someone with an I.Q. of around 35 could believe. That is apparently the audience – and a major target of fund-raising appeals – of such repulsive race-hustling rackets as the Southern Poverty Law Center and the federal politicians who support them. Unlike most "Tenthers," the people of the Second Vermont Republic hold no delusions that the central state’s "Supreme" Court will someday dismantle the unconstitutional American empire that it has spent the past 150 years constructing.
March 28, 2012
Copyright © 2012 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.

Not The WSPQ This Time!

Are You Libertarian Enough?

 

 
  

So-called political compromise is upheld as a high virtue. To be an ideologue is a great vice. The old mantra that the problem in American politics is everyone is an extremist and no one is willing to meet halfway persists, despite its transparent inapplicability in the real world. The distance between the two political parties is small enough to smother a gnat.
For many libertarians there is no worse a sin than to stick stubbornly to purity of principle, to make the perfect the enemy of the good. We never get anywhere because we refuse to budge. We want the whole loaf. This is an old theme.
I wish to address those who fancy themselves libertarians of one kind or another. For these purposes I will define the term broadly. Whatever kind of libertarian you are, I contend that there is a question you should be asking yourself every day: "Am I libertarian enough?"

 

This is obviously something that moderate libertarians – pragmatics and the mere libertarian-leaning – should consider. For this group, the danger of straying too far toward statism is obviously present, since moderation is built into their self-identity. And it should be a concern to these folks no less than to others by virtue of the fact that they consider themselves libertarian-leaning at all. If you find liberty worthy enough to endorse much or most of the time, how do you know you’ve struck the right balance? You obviously think statism is a problem and libertarianism is a proper orientation, even if in moderation. If this is the case, you are well aware of the danger of sliding toward the statist extreme, and thus you should be asking yourself constantly if you’re libertarian enough. Even a moderate libertarian thinks the government is too big, presumably, and so he wishes for society as a whole to question its own dedication to libertarian principle. It would be unfair to expect others to consider moving toward libertarianism without constantly being willing to consider it for oneself.
Whatever reasons someone has for leaning libertarian – economic, practical arguments, moral attitudes toward personal freedom and the state – they certainly at least potentially apply to situations and issues previously unconsidered. A soft libertarian might recognize that drug laws don’t work, but will still hold out for ID checks to buy marijuana. But why? All the arguments against the one apply to the other.

 

Yet another group does not always ask itself whether it is libertarian enough – radicals. To be a radical libertarian is to be in a small minority. And when someone finds himself in this company, it is all too easy to become complacent, to assume that one’s radicalism relative to others, including other libertarians, is perfectly sufficient. The attitude becomes: "I have paid my dues; my radicalism is beyond reproach." Yet again the same arguments apply: If the economic and moral principles that brought you this far are valid, at what arbitrary point do they no longer apply?
If libertarianism is a virtue, or if it is correct, or however you want to put it, then how could there be too much of a good thing? I suppose one could respond with the tired Emerson quote – "a foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds" – yet this could easily be leveled against moderate libertarianism as well, in service of national health care, gun control, or the war on terrorism.
For a practical consideration, I’d like to point out that our rulers are constantly asking themselves – or appear to be acting as though they are – the opposing question: "Am I statist enough? Is there any remaining avenue of human life I haven’t worked to subjugate under the authority of my central plan?"
We American libertarians live in a time when the U.S. is at perpetual war, the airports have become dystopian, the prison system is the most populated on earth, the president claims the authority to kill anyone, torture persists, surveillance is unrestrained by the Fourth Amendment, Keynesianism has its grip on the entire establishment, and both political parties push an agenda worse than the one pushed last election cycle. People are jailed for selling milk. Nothing is off limits.
In this time, as the statists are continually asking themselves if they are statist enough, we must keep asking ourselves the opposite: Are we radically libertarian enough so as to mount the proper intellectual resistance to the statist ideology on which the growing state thrives?

 

In practical terms, this means asking oneself such questions as:

  1. Is there any war – in all of history – that I have a romantic attachment to, and is it possible that this war was nothing but a murderous and fraudulent escapade, like all the rest? Perhaps I have been right about which state was the greater aggressor in this war – am I being too soft on the other state?
  2. Is there any state action I defend that is morally indefensible? Anyone’s rights I’m ignoring?
  3. Is there any gradualist position I take, on maintaining the police, or the military, or the welfare state, that lacks moral legitimacy or is otherwise an equivocation with evil?
  4. Do I put way too much hope in electoral politics yielding a good result, when hundreds of years of U.S. history provide virtually no examples of it doing so?
  5. Are there areas of political theory – national borders, militarism, police powers, parental and children’s rights, public schooling and compulsory attendance, regulation, Social Security, monetary affairs, sexual liberties, drug freedom, intellectual property – that I have been lazy in considering deeply in light of the radical implications of libertarianism?
  6. Is there any political structure or figure in human history that I am too soft on – Thomas Jefferson, English common law, the Constitution, and so forth?
  7. Just because something would be OK for the private sector to do, does it mean we can countenance the state doing so in the meantime? (To this question, I break with the implicit reasoning of the minarchists. I find the more violent expressions of state power – policing and militarism – to be more important to abolish instantly than many "illegitimate" functions such as roads and parks.)
  8. Which state services is it permissible to exploit, and which is it immoral to use?

 

These questions don’t always have easy answers, but we should always be seeking them. Sometimes it is difficult to find the proper application of libertarianism to tough situations. But if your impulse is to take the libertarian position, then whatever the correct answer is will probably be consistent with libertarianism, rather than inimical to it.
It is true that always questioning one’s own radicalism will likely yield the conclusion that the state itself is an unnecessary evil that ought to be abolished immediately. Of course this is true. But even taking that position does not ensure you are libertarian enough.
Should anyone believe I am sitting atop a high horse, viewing myself holier than all the world, I beg that you reconsider this appraisal. I myself worry about my tendencies to adopt moderate, conservative, and socialistic positions all the time. Am I libertarian enough? Perhaps not. I always welcome corrections and arguments as to how I have failed to take the right position.













March 28, 2011
Anthony Gregory [send him mail] is research editor at the Independent Institute. He lives in Oakland, California. See his webpage for more articles and personal information.
Copyright © 2011 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.